An extremely important post on the lie of the "Srebrenica Genocide" from Julia Gorin:
As the world bows its collective head this week in shame to mark the 16th anniversary of not rescuing Muslim soldiers from the Serbs they were slaughtering, the Netherlands’ largest internet news portal, NRC, was audacious enough to challenge the official version of the sacred, unquestionable, meticulously constructed lie known as the “Srebrenica Genocide,” heralding a significant change in attitude toward the nature of the incident. As Stefan Karganovic of the Srebrenica Historical Project put it, “The expression of such heretical views would have been unthinkable in Holland [or anywhere else] a short time ago.” Herewith, the translated version:
Srebrenica: new insights By Rene Gremaux
…Hans Blom (June 1, continued in his interview with The Times of May 28) correctly argues that the Bosnian Serb entry was not planned well in advance, and even less so the mass executions. According to [Blom,] the former head of the NIOD [Netherlands Institute for War Documentation] investigation into the July 1995 Srebrenica events, Mladić was enraged about the surreptitious departure of the majority of Muslim men from the enclave. His objective was to take prisoners of war. The shooting of the captured Muslims of fighting age was an unintended consequence, according to Blom. What started spontaneously in unexpected circumstances, was then systematically continued and completed. That is the core of the professor’s argument.
Thе fact that this historian dared to offer an analytical framework to explain the cruelties of the Bosnian war, which was contrary to the moralistic Dutch image on Srebrenica, reflects some progress on that issue. Yet his comments on the [role] of Mladić’s anger are not convincing. This requires a review of the context in which Srebrenica occurred, which I will now try to sketch on the basis of results of my own investigations in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia.
In the hot summer of 1995 the untenability of Srebrenica and other enclaves painfully came to light. Earlier, the Muslim government in Sarajevo refused to alleviate the plight of tens of thousands of refugees in Srebrenica by [dis]allowing their evacuation to Central Bosnia. As evidenced by his contribution to the NRC last June 7, Joris Voorhoeve, Minister of Defence at the time, was originally in favor of this solution. In Sarajevo, however, his initiative was flatly refused, [ostensibly] because this would imply cooperation with ethnic cleansing. What the outside world preferred to misperceive as a humanitarian issue, for the Republika Srpska was a very serious military and strategic question. Repeatedly, the Srebrenica enclave, which was demilitarized in name only, was used by the Islamists inside it, sometimes reinforced by civilian men and women, as a base for provocative and murderous military assaults on the surrounding Serb villages. To combat and prevent the joining of Srebrenica and the neighbouring southern enclave of Žepa with the rest of the Muslim-dominated areas, many Bosnian Serb forces were tied down, while their army along the main front lines was facing the full burden of conducting the war hampered by a great shortage of military personnel.
Given the situation as outlined above, the Bosnian Serb leadership were keen to find a solution. Great was the surprise when in the second week of July 1995 Srebrenica was captured by a relatively small, not very heavily armed force, which was actually operating only on the south side of the enclave. What actually happened? The leadership of the 28th Division in Srebrenica-based Muslim army was ordered back to Sarajevo.
Thus the protection of tens of thousands of Muslims in the enclave in fact was largely left to the small and weak Dutch battalion. Apparently the political and military leadership of Bosnian Muslims were not really afraid of Serbian revenge and arbitrariness, let alone of the implementation of any genocidal plan.
Or could it be that they were left behind deliberately to be sacrificed for a “higher” purpose? [It turned out to be the latter, with the disappearance of the battalion helping create the impression that the Serbs were attacking an unarmed “safe zone.”]
Shortly before July 11th the vast majority of the male Muslim population of fighting age, led by active military, took to flight, refusing to assemble in the Dutch base in Potočari. Firstly, there was fear of being called to account for atrocities committed against Serb prisoners of war and civilians. At the same time, the main Muslim army did not want to lose men unnecessarily as prisoners of war. Everyone was desperately needed for the combat that was going on elsewhere. After a long, terrible trek barely half of perhaps 15,000 in Srebrenica men and older boys who left managed to reach Muslim-controlled territory, mostly around Tuzla.
But what happened to the rest, who did not reach safety, one could ask? The Dutch media invariably point to mass executions as their only cause of death. According to Mr. Blom[,] the alleged Serbian murderousness following the fall of Srebrenica is explained by Mladić’s intense anger about the military age men’s escape. Yet there is much that is inconsistent in the image of Mladić as a man of great wrath who wanted to put all Muslim men to the sword. The head of the hospital located in Milići [extended] medical care to wounded Muslims from Srebrenica. I spoke with him and found out that after recovering many patients later expressed their gratitude. In Tuzla I was told by young Muslim men from Srebrenica who actually had fallen into the Serbs’ hands as prisoners of war, that they were treated correctly. When Mladić shortly after the capture of Srebrenica went on to Žepa, he refused to take with him men who had reason for revenge. The Serbian takeover of the nearby small Muslim enclave went with little or no bloodshed. For an explanation of the terrible crimes committed in the aftermath of the takeover of the Muslim enclave of Srebrenica, we should consider something else besides the possible criminal intent of Mladić and his men. For instance, not infrequently, small numbers of Serb guards were put in charge of hundreds of Muslim men who had surrendered. In at least in one such case a Muslim from the crowd of prisoners managed to kill a guard, after which all hell broke loose.
It is obvious that Srebrenica fell when the Western powers were looking for a pretext to enter the conflict on the side of the Bosnian Muslims, as well as the Croats, which would enable them to give their protégés massive and open military assistance. It is unlikely that Mladić would in such circumstances knowingly hand his opponents a casus belli on a silver platter. There was simply no chance that crimes of the scope as alleged could be effectively concealed. It soon turned out that for Mladić Srebrenica was a Pyrrhic victory and actually became the long-sought stick with which to beat the Serbs. Soon, with NATO air support elsewhere in Bosnia-Herzegovina Muslims and Croats were on the march. All the more reason to investigate in greater detail evidence of the involvement of intelligence services in the Srebrenica massacre. Several witnesses refer to the fact that the shadowy figures involved in death squad killings were rewarded with gold or money. If that is true, then neither the bloodlust and the desire for revenge attributed to the Serbs, nor the alleged fury of their commander, can serve as a sufficient explanation for these events.
That last part is a reference to the mostly false testimony of the Hague prosecution’s “crown witness” Drazen Erdemovic, a Croatian mercenary who confessed to committing executions of Srebrenica Muslims and named half a dozen other individuals who had been members of his multi-ethnic mercenary group called “Pauk,” all paid to execute Muslims — though Erdemovic “forgets” by whom. In 2000, the Milosevic government arrested several Pauk members and charged them with war crimes for killing Muslim POWs, but when the Western-backed opposition took over, they were released. Leader of the Serbian Radical Party, Vojislav Seselj, testified in 2005 that the mercenary executioners were acting on orders from French intelligence. The fact that today Pauk members’ whereabouts are known to Western governments, that they obtain passports without hindrance and travel freely, serving in other conflict theaters including as part of the French Foreign Legion — and that the Hague has never sought to prosecute any of them despite the testimony of its star witness — makes the assertion hard to dismiss. While such a Western frame-up of the Serbs for “genocide” in Srebrenica could account for the bulk of executions (though nowhere near 8,000), it is not to the exclusion of individual acts of revenge, which despite the Serb military issuing strict orders to soldiers to behave in line with international law in their treatment of civilians and POWs — as even Erdemovic testified. One example is given on a news site in the context of a 1997 interview that Radovan Karadzic gave to the newspaper Vecernje Novosti:
No one is denying that there were individual crimes on the Serb side. Nonetheless, no one can credibly claim that these crimes were a result of the Serb leadership’s policy.
Here is an example. While investigating what really took place in Srebrenica, surrounded by the media fog in which lies, mythomania, and truths met each other, I interviewed a number of direct participants in the events [in Srebrenica]. The testimony by M.R., member of the Republic of Srpska Army who participated in the capture of Srebrenica is typical for most of them.
“They woke us up around midnight. They said, get up, get in truck, straight to Srebrenica. ‘What are we going to do there?’, I asked. The commander responded ‘you’ll see when we get there’.
“When we arrived, Srebrenica had already fallen, and thousands of [M]uslim prisoners were there. I was ordered to escort a bus full of [M]uslim prisoners. There was a full bus of them and I was alone…Then, I spotted two guys from my village (gives the name of the village). They were in the group which burned down my house, raped my sister, and killed my mother. I took them out of the bus and killed them right there, those Turkish motherfuckers…”
Most of the prisoners in Srebrenica, soldiers from the Eight Operative Group, took part in the [M]uslim devastation and slaughter in east Bosnia in 1992 and later. The commander of the Operative Group was the war criminal Naser Oric who had been promoted to a brigadier and decorated by Izetbegovic with the highest decoration in the muslim Army “Golden Lilly”.
“Our soldiers were never decorated for crimes. We do not decorate our criminals. We try them,” said Karadzic.
The preceding lays the foundation for much of what is in the 2010 film “Srebrenica: A Town Betrayed,” which follows interviews and revelations by Bosnian-Muslim investigative journalist Mirsad Fazlic, who doesn’t appreciate the fictitious, black-and-white version of the Bosnian war that is perpetuated by the international community and by Bosnian officialdom, which still honors wartime president Alija Izetbegovic as a national hero when Fazlic and others know he was the opposite. The film really begins only at the four-minute mark, and its main shortcoming is the ubiquitous, stubborn marriage to the notion that the number “7-8,000 killed” is anything other than a concoction that the world has been working backwards for 16 years to make seem real.
Among numerous of the film’s jaw-dropping revelations — including the fact that the humanitarian convoys which the Serbs were allowing to pass to Srebrenica were being intercepted by Bosnian “hero” Naser Oric and sold on the black market (and including Srebrenica police chief Hakija Mehovic describing the meeting at which the Bosnian leadership floated a proposal by Bill Clinton that 5,000 Srebrenica residents be sacrificed) — are the following:
1. “Mladic had four tanks and 400 men. In reserve he also had 1600 armed locals. But Mladic didn’t trust them since they lacked discipline and would use every opportunity to revenge [Srebrenica warlord] Oric’s attacks on the villages. The Serbs were outgunned by NATO’s fighter aircraft, 450 Dutch peacekeepers and Oric’s 5,500 soldiers.” (The first fact is important as a contradistinction to the Mladic that has been presented to the public, and there is more in the film in that regard. The latter factoids are important to illustrate that Srebrenica was set up for the Serbs to overpower, with the Muslim side “winning by losing,” as Nebojsa Malic calls it.)
2. In reference to the 50 Serbian villages that were being attacked by the Muslims of Srebrenica: “Especially disturbing was a religious dimension to the killings. Men were castrated in an anti-Christian gesture of circumcision. Pregnant women were disemboweled with cuts in the form of a cross. Some people were crucified, nails driven through their hands.”
3. “In April 1993 military chiefs from both sides — General Sefer Halilovic and General Ratko Mladic — signed a UN plan for Srebrenica and the other cities to become demilitarized zones. The Muslims promised on their side to stop the aggression against the Serbs around the enclaves and against the 15,000 Serbs still living in the capital Sarajevo.” (The Muslim side naturally didn’t hold to their end of the bargain, but what makes the excerpt exceptional is the word “aggression” for once attributed to the correct side of the Bosnian war.)
4. “Islam will win, since Bosnia is an Islamic country.” (Graffiti on the walls of a destroyed building in Kravica, where on January 7, 1993 — Orthodox Christmas — Muslims destroyed the town, killing 49 men, women, and children.)
On the point of crosses being cut into Serb women’s skin, a reader recently brought my attention to the following Bosnian incidents:
I found interesting your choice of words – “Roasting Mladic” – because Dr. Zoran Stankovic had examined the charred bodies of Bosnian Serbs roasted on spits with their limbs cut off, which Bosnian Muslim soldiers jokingly termed “Bosansko Jagnje” (Bosnian Lamb).
That July 7, 2005 article [linked above, in Serbian] also mentions a boy Dr. Stankovic also examined, whom he just names Stojanovic, who left his fleeing family and returned to his home in Zvornik to look for his dog. He was later discovered with his chest ripped open in the shape of a cross.
In newer articles we see that he was an 11 year old Slobodan Stojanovic. The murderer was also revealed not to be a Bosnian Muslim soldier, but in fact Elfeta Veseli (AKA Hosovka), a 45 year old ethnic Albanian woman from the neighboring town of Vlasenica. Born in Urosevac, Kosovo & Metohija, she is the daughter of Rahman, a forester. Elfeta was recently tracked down living freely in Switzerland with her brother Muhamed Veseli. Bosnian authorities have made no request for her arrest and extradition.
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